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Showing posts from 2011

Democracy and Good Governance in Uganda seem to be a Travesty

We are very privileged to live at a time when Uganda is experiencing high political turbulence.   Even with the increasingly narrowing space for alternative voice in the country, Uganda still carries the title of a ‘good-governed, multiparty democratic country’.   As you might realize, democracy has lately become like an ISO certification of quality for states.   If one wants to market a product called Uganda, they are compelled to slap a seal of ‘democracy’ to make the country more appealing to investors, tourists, donors, diplomatic calls, and possibly, hoodwink its very own citizenry about the quality of governance in the country.   Elections today have become too ritualistic, symbolic, periodic events that many times usher in premeditated leaders at the top echelon of the state.   While elections must underpin characteristics of competition, surprise, and anxiety over results, here they have become a simply calculated affair for authentication of certain leaders.    Those who

Electoral reform must remain top on Uganda’s democratic agenda

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We are fortunate to live in Uganda, a country where it is easy to take the right to vote for granted. Uganda has conducted eight direct general elections at both presidential and parliamentary levels from 1961. Elections conducted between 1961 and 1980 all had a common red thread – perceptions or realities of vote rigging.   The perceived or reality of rigging in the December 1980 elections was the key reason for the five year guerilla war fare.  Though relatively calm, the post 1980 elections of 1996; 2001; 2006 and 2011 have all been marred by allegations or realities of military interference, bribery, coercion, manipulation, violence and a host of other electoral malpractices – all of which have subsequently negatively impacted on citizens’ right to freely express themselves through the power of the vote.   In reflection this brings to mind a statement once made by former Soviet leader, Joseph Stalin who said:   It is enough that the people know there was an election.   The p

The ‘all solving hammer’ syndrome is eating our leaders

I spent my eid el fitr reading literature on some of the world’s one time powerful men – Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler.   This was not because they are my inspiration figures in any way but because I wanted to have a clear understanding of how they maneuvered to become the world’s most powerful leaders of their time; and why they later one earned themselves a position as the most hated men who have ever lived on earth till today.   Interestingly, both men rose to power as uncontested darlings of Europe and the world at large but were later stoned to death like chicken thieves by their very own citizens.   Borrowing from William Shakespeare’s description of the seven stages of human life,   I think there are also seven ages of a leader – the first being that where a leader is more or less an embodiment of fresh ideas, charisma, action, strength, focus and drive.   The seventh stage then describes a time where a leader is exhausted, has lost focus of long term goals, communicates

Does the Bail question confirm Museveni’s mastery of the political law of diversion?

When President Museveni first proposed the scrapping of Bail for specific categories of people, I thought it was one of the usual political jokes that he throws around to crack people up during his long speeches.  Little did I know that his move was real and would raise such extraordinary national dust as has been witnessed in the past couple of months.   Nevertheless, in the event that the President continues to passionately push for the passing of this ironic Bill, we will need to thoroughly debate the definitional issues embedded in some of the concepts that the Bill carries.  My personal views would be, while defining economic saboteurs, the Bill should broaden its definition to also focus on individuals who are suspects of committing economic crimes of omission.  The Bill should provide for no Bail for public office holders who demonstrate reluctance in responding to serious public economic questions.  Actually, I think as a country, we would require a corresponding law under whi

Loss of confidence in the Ugandan government Institutions; where is the hope for the common citizen?

Lately, my colleague and Political analyst, Gwada Ogot has engaged me in serious discussions on the degenerating trust and confidence in public institutions representative of democracy not only in Uganda but in many of the post 1950 new states.   In Uganda specifically, the past and current political developments undertone citizen’ dissatisfaction with, and lack of confidence in, the functioning of most government institutions.   Prior to the 2011 general elections, sections of society rejected the composition of the Electoral Commission (EC).   These sections of the public branded the Commission as an incompetent, partisan institution and highlighted it as incapable of presiding over a credible and fair election hence passing a vote of no confidence in it as an electoral institution.    At the peak echelon of political activity, the opposition’s indifference on the election results of the February 18 th , Presidential elections and the subsequent move by the Inter Party Cooperatio

Leadership integrity is key to the success of the East African Community

When the East African Community (EAC) collapsed in 1977, it did so not just because Kenya demanded for more seats than Uganda and Tanzania in decision-making organs of EAC but because there was generally a lack of integrity, trust and selflessness among the leaders at that time.   With its restoration in 2000, the EAC is making strategic leaps towards political integration.   However the ultimate political integration is going to heavily depend on the extent through which the political leaders in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi seek to fulfill the core values of the regional bloc as opposed to undertaking individual self-seeking projects.   While regional cooperation may be important in developing constructive relations between states, it cannot be assumed that pooling resources to provide public goods for populations and creating platforms for dialogue regarding shared interests will automatically follow. Despite the high hopes raised by the re-ignition of the EAC conc